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Australian Identity

Does Australia need a national identity?


For various reasons, a national identity has become a problematic subject for most western countries. One reason is that an influx of migrants has caused citizens to question the appropriateness of asserting a national character that migrants are not in conformity with. A second reason is that the internet has facilitated the flow of ideas so that likeminded subcultures based on music, religions, TV shows, cooking, and politics now operate in various countries around the world. These subcultures provide a more meaningful sense of belonging than that provided by vague concepts of a national character. Furthermore, many citizens realise they often share more in common with some people from different countries than they do with their own.

Perhaps a more significant problem is the emergence of a post-modern value system which proposes that it is racist to stereotype "other" cultures or find fault in them; however, without a national identity, it has become problematic to define the boundaries where the "our" culture ends and the "other" begins. As a result, superficial categories based on race and heritage have emerged to define 'us' and 'them'.

For the west, the erosion of national identities has not come without cost. Specifically, a national identity influences the motivation of individuals to support the ambitions of their compatriots. For example, most sports-loving Australians have a strong desire to see their compatriots achieve. Consequently, they support their tax dollars being spent to fund training programs. Furthermore, they pay money to enter stadiums where they can cheer encouragement. If individuals lacked affinity with other people from their country, then they would not have any desire to support anyone except themselves.

Aside from decreasing the motivation to help each other, the lack of an identity potentially contributes to alienation and poor psychological health. According to John Ralston Saul,

"Alienation at its most essential level is not poverty or unemployment. It is the inability to imagine your society and therefore to imagine yourself in it."

If individuals can not conceive of a community identity, then they cannot conceive of a role to play in a community. The outcome may be depression, suicide or joining an extremist organization aimed at tearing down the community.

Finally, a strong national identity can facilitate fast social evolution in order to adapt to social problems that may arise. This was recognised by author Donald Horne in 1964, who wrote:

"Australia needs sudden shocks of reorientation within its society that will divorce it from the largely irrelevant problems of the British, make it possible to speed necessary changes and to develop some new sense of identity, some public feeling of being a people who can be described - even if incorrectly - as such-and-such a kind of nation, and act at times as if it were so. Australians are anonymous, featureless, nothing-men. This modest anonymity reveals itself in the argument that Australia does not run to the kind of person we could turn into a president."

While Australia has a relatively weak national identity, it has a relatively strong transnational identity that champions values that are in relative conformity with dominant values of Europe and America. These values were outlined in the 2014 study guide for the Australian citizenship test. Among other things, the study guide explained that, under Australian law, the power of the government comes from the Australian people, that social change should come about via non-violent means and that people are free to act however they want provided they do not break Australian laws. The guide also stated that Australian laws protect freedom of expression (provided that the expression does not harm others), freedom of association, and secularism so that the rules of law prevail over the rules of religion. Finally, the guide stated that Australian laws ensure that people are not treated differently on the basis of race, age or gender.

Although laws do not always reflect community values, there is no political party with a seat in parliament that would publicly state their opposition to the laws. By inference, it could be concluded that the majority of Australians have an identity in support of the values that underpin the laws. Because similar laws exist in Europe and North America, it could be inferred that most Europeans and North Americans also have an identity in support.

Ironically, even though the values are enshrined in law and dominate the social life of western countries, many people holding the values are troubled by the application of the values to people that they don’t feel are part of their culture. As a result, they have developed a post-modern identity based on racial and religious heritage that shapes when they apply the values. For example, if a person were to say, “As a Muslim, I don’t believe in gender equality, secularism or democracy”, then most western post-modernists would accept the opinion in the name of tolerance. However, if a person without a stated or implied social identification (eg, a white Christian) were to say,  “ I don’t believe in gender equality, secularism or democracy”, then the individual would likely be denounced without even being given the opportunity to justify their reasons for being different.

Although reserving criticism only for "westerners" has been done in the aim of being non racist, one of the unfortunate side effects is that it has created a post-modern identity closely aligned with race, and in particular, Caucasians of European descent. By making exceptions for non-Christians and non-Caucasians, the post-modernists are basically saying non-Christians and non-Caucasians are not of the culture and not one of "us." Not only is this leading to a fracturing in western societies along racial and religious lines, but it is also abandoning the individuals from non-western backgrounds who don't want to be bound by ethnic, racial, or their religious heritage. Furthermore, it is eroding support for the transnational western identity in a way that makes it difficult for people to think the west has anything worth respecting.

European approaches

Different countries have reacted to the erosion of national identities and the western identity in different ways. France has taken an assimilationist position towards migrants. For example, Muslim veils have been banned in schools and the burqa (complete face covering) has been banned outright. Furthermore, to prevent any linking between race and culture, the French census does not ask citizens to declare their race - the implication being that all citizens are French. Despite its noble intentions, France has suffered significant ethnic riots as well as race-based nationalistic movements wanting to rid France of its ethnics. In other words, despite the public declarations that everyone is French and equal, different groups see their role in French society in very different ways. Furthermore, treating all groups with equality has also proved problematic when not all groups behave equally. For example, in 2015 the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo was the subject of a terrorist attack because it subjected Muslims to the same ridicule that it subjected other groups.

Unlike the French, the British have taken the more extreme post-modernist approach to a national identity. In short, they promote the idea that all cultures are different but equal. While nice in spirit, in practice, the theory advocates apathy in the face of offensive conduct and an inconsistent application of social liberalism. For British literary theorist Terry Eagleton, post-modernist theory is defective because it basically proposes that intolerant cultures must be tolerated. Similar ideas have been argued by Gunther Kress, a professor at the University of London. In Reimagining English: Curriculum, Identity and Productive Futures, Kress wrote:

“The voices which have been loudest in the UK over the past twenty years, and which continue to dominate, are voices which speak of  very different futures to the one I imagine.”

Both men have rejected post-modernism because it has denied them the right to speak while defending the right of those they oppose to speak. Religious minorities in Britain have linked the rise in extremism to a lack of a national identity to hold onto, or to bind different cultures together. For example, Chief Rabbi Lord Sacks, wrote:

"I have never known the British Jewish community, especially its university students, more anxious about the future than they are today. But I have heard the same from many Hindus and Sikhs…By dissolving national identity it makes it impossible for groups to integrate because there is nothing to integrate into, and by failing to offer people pride in being British, it forces them to find sources of pride elsewhere. 

Without shared values and a sense of collective identity, no society can sustain itself for long. I fear the extremism that is slowly but surely becoming, throughout the world, the siren song of the twenty-first century." 

Sweden, often seen as a model of democractic consensus culture, has also found some difficulties in reconciling the need for a national identity with the identities of subcultures that do not think the same way. This has seen the rise of the term "unSwedish", which is used to represent social conduct that is not deemed to be Swedish and therefore not belonging in Sweden. While some Swedes use the term as an insult, others have embraced the insult as a term of endearment and a mark of their cosmopolitan personality. According to Daniel Lampien, a Swedish blogger:

"The constant renewing and the self-hate is why there are fewer things that actually are swedish (sic). Except the things that are so swedish(sic) that we don't even recognise it. Like using the word "unswedish".(sic)"

The German government has tried to integrate migrants by working hard to ensure that the German people do not have supremacist attitudes towards the migrants. Mindful of what happened in World War 2, the German government has refrained from supporting displays of nationalism that could cause history to repeat. According to Oliver Marc Hartwich, a research fellow at the Centre for Independent Studies,

“In truth, modern Germany is still probably one of the least nationalistic countries on earth. The lessons of the Third Reich have truly been learnt and are not forgotten.”

Ironically, the lack of national pride might be replicating the conditions in Germany after World War 1, where low national esteem fuelled movements in favour of Hitler. Additionally, migrants have found little reason to embrace anything but the welfare system of their new homeland because there have been few positive stories being told about Germany. According to Hartwich,

"Germany's lack of national pride and identity made it harder to integrate migrants. Why should they integrate anyway when Germans found their own culture so hard to love?"


American approach

The American approach to identity seems to have been born in the revolution against British rule. It revolves around an ambiguously defined notion of freedom that all Americans must ironically conform to by saluting the flag and singing the National Anthem.

Although there seems to have been an attempt to specifically define the identity via a Bill of Rights and symbols such as the Statue of Liberty, on the whole, there isn’t total agreement about what America is actually about. This lack of agreement can be partly attributed to the American Presidential system that compels each candidate to create a vision of America based on their personal story. For example, in the rein of Abraham Lincoln, America was about going to war against the south to ensure the doctrine of equality included black Americans. In the rein of George Bush Jr, America was about going to war in Iraq and Afghanistan to liberate the oppressed in Islamic countries. In the rein of Barrack Obama, America was about all races having equality of opportunity.

Ironically, America’s democratic system doesn’t really allow diverse conceptions of the American to go unchallenged. To gain power, presidential candidates must keep promoting their own conception of America and undermining alternatives. Admittedly, each presidential candidate needs to kept anchoring his or her personal story in the stories of the founding fathers, which ensures all presidential candidates need to champion some kind of battle, overcoming individual hardships and a belief in god. Furthermore, they need to demonstrate their hopes for the future prosperity of America. In that regard, aspects of a unified American identity based on history are re-imagined by each generation.

Aside from the presidential system necessitating that the American identity keep being re-imagined, Americans have struggled with identity because the core values of the past are not so easy to uphold across time when circumstances are vastly different. For example, ideals about lifting a lamp to the homeless and tempest-tossed were much easier to celebrate when the country still wanted migrants and wasn’t suffering a huge strain on its resources. Finally, the right to bear firearms often infringes on the rights of innocent people not to be killed by those firearms.  

An additional problem for Americans is that their government’s foreign policy since World War 2 has often compromised American values and eroded the status of them after failing to realise its objectives. Specifically, the Korean War is America's only military intervention since World War 2 that has resulted in a society basically aligned with western social liberalism. On the other hand, military interventions in Vietnam, Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya resulted in societies completely alien to the type of values that Americans celebrate. Not only have the military failures undermined the American identity, perhaps they have also eroded the status associated with western social liberalism across the globe.

Australian approach

Although Australia's identity struggle shares some commonalities with those Europe and America, it has some significant differences. Specifically, European countries have defined identities. Their chief dilemma is whether they should assert them. For example, it is possible to define the character of a refined Brit, refined German, refined Italian or refined Frenchman. It is basically a person from the country who exhibits the "typical" traits in a manner that commands the respect of others. Unlike in the European countries, in Australia, the identity is not defined and it certainly isn’t possible to speak of a refined Australian. A "stereotypical" Australian is possible, but not an Australian that could be defined as aspirational for the majority of the population. Each year, the government tries to create the aspirational model with the Australian-of-the-Year award, but their winners usually have far more critics than supporters.

Australia is also different from America because Australia lacks a presidential system in which a conception of a national identity can be promoted. Even if there were presidential elections, Australia doesn’t have the glorious founding event, such as a rebellion against the British or protest tea party, to anchor the personal story around.

In the absence of any historical or presidential-led role models, the Australian identity had largely been filled by a minorty subculture. Just as a termite mound is a king on a flat landscape, identities that have been defined as 'bushman', 'yobbo', 'larrikin' and 'bogan' have tended to have a monopoly on what it means to be an Australian. They might only comprise 10% of the population, but they perhaps comprise 90% of the imagery used to describe the Australian stereotype because they simply have little competition.

These identities have often been in conflict with the post-modern western identity, which dominates within Australian institutions and is probably the most numerical of all Australian identities. The post-modern western identity tends to be filled by people of European descent that don't identify with their ancestral culture but don't identify with Australia either. The Australian post-modernist has a tendency to derogatory caricatures of the Australian identity that he or she can subsequently criticise in order to demonstrate their superiority. Examples of the identity at work include Anglo commentator Catherine Deveny, who said:

"An Australian Flag in your front yard tells everyone you're only a couple of Bundy and Cokes away from lynching a wog, slope or Arab."

Likewise, white cartoonist Andrew Weldon created a "funny" comic strip proposing that Australian traditions involve generalising, deindividualising, stereotyping, distrusting, being prejudiced, and making assumptions in the name of humour. Ironically, his humour was based on prejudice, generalising, de-individualisation and stereotyping so in a way, his work demonstrated his possession of the Australian characteristics he sought to distance himself from by negatively caricaturing others. Furthermore, since all his Australians were white, he was demonstrating a belief that the Australian is white - like himself.

Andrew Weldon Cartoon

It would be fair to say that those who identify as Australian and those who can be defined as post-modern westerners really don’t have much of an affinity for one another. In that regard, the concept of a celebrated Australian identity is somewhat obsolete.

The attempts at social persuasion by post-modernists like Deveny and Weldon illustrate the negativity that inevitably flows from the activists lacking a concept of a national identity to rally others around. For example, in Japan, an identity that proposes that the Japanese are honest and hard workers provides young Japanese social influencers with a positive image to change the way young Japanese think.If Japan lacked the identity, then Japanese equivalents of Deveny and Weldon might try to persuade to Japanese to be honest and hard workers by creating caricatures that they are dishonest and lazy. In other words, they would ty to persuade via insults. Not only would such negativity be a less effective form of persuasion, but it would also lead to the kind of social disharmony and community erosion that has become a fact of western life. In short, because Australia doesn't have a broadly celebrated social identity, Australian leaders attempt to persuade via insult, caricature and villification of those they define as deviant from the ideal model that is itself undefined.


Questions to think about

Does Australia need a national identity?

Consider how perceptions of an Australian identity may be influential in the following circumstances

  • An Englishman goes into a bottle store and needs to choose between a wine from Australia and a wine from France
  • An Englishman goes to a pub and needs to choose between a beer from Australia and a beer from Germany
  • An Australian and an American are travelling through the middle-east and want to to meet the locals
  • An Australian and an Italian each apply for a job as a fashion designer in Tokyo
  • A German and an Australian are travelling through China and want to to meet the locals
  • Children of Japanese, Chinese, Korean migrants study together in an Australian classroom
  • Children of Israeli, German and Palestinian migrants study together in an Australian classroom
  • A charity asks for donations after a bushfire
  • A bushfire is coming and fire-fighters ask for volunteers
  • Government wants to increase welfare payments
  • An environmental group talks about the need to save forests for future generations
  • The local movie theatre is showing Australian made films for the next week
  • An Australian soldier is sent to Afghanistan
  • An Australian swimmer wins an Olympic gold medal
  • An Australian scientist wins a Noble Prize
  • Advertisers want to develop a new buy Australia campaign
  • An economist proposes that we should only think about ourselves

What is the dominant culture?

Anglo social commentator Catherine Deveny stated:

"An Australian Flag in your front yard tells everyone you're only a couple of Bundy and Cokes away from lynching a wog, slope or Arab."

Aussie Pride

  1. Deveny is of the same race as the individual shown above (taken after Cronulla riots). Do you think she shares an identity with him? Why or why not?
  2. Would you define Deveny as ethnic? If so, what ethnic group is she part of?
  3. Deveny is of Anglo-Celtic ancestry, used to write for the Age newspaper and frequently appears on the ABC to give her opinion on various issues. Would you define her as a member of the dominant culture of Australia? If yes, did you define her on the basis of her race, her power, her values or the institutions that she is connected with?
  4. The Charter of the ABC is to reflect the Australian identity. Why do you think the ABC would be keen to keep inviting Deveny on to its programs?
  5. How would you describe most of the people you see on the ABC?
  6. In your opinion, who has the most power to define the face and culture of Australia? Deveny or the individual above?
  7. In your opinion, whose face would most likely to be used to define Australia? Deveny's or the one above?
  8. Deveny has a great deal of power relative to most Australians. In your opinion, does being highly critical of other Australians enhance her power?
  9. How is Deveny's identity created in opposition?
  10. How does Deveny promote her own identity in relation to Australians of Asian, Southern European and Middle-eastern descent?
  11. Deveny deliberatey uses derogatory terms when referring to Australians of Asian, Southern European and Middle-eastern descent. Why?
  12. Would you define Deveny as racist?
  13. Would you describe the person above as racist? If yes, did you use something in the picture or your knowledge of the Cronulla riots to make your decision?




Timeline of the Australian identity


Aboriginal tribes

Aboriginal tribal identities were based around an animal or plant totem. Each Aboriginal person believed they had three forms which gave them a continuous life form. The totem was the form after human and then to spirit. As the cycle continued, so did the Aboriginal cultures.

There was no concept of an Aboriginal identity or Australia as one land. Each tribe was very much its own unit and reserved hostility to other tribes. This hostility to an outgroup helped maintain a strong ingroup identity.

Because Aboriginal identities were not defined along racial lines, there was more hostility between different Aboriginal tribes that there was towards the colonists that arrived in 1788. Furthermore, the prestige of the tribe was not defined according to land ownership, but according to the number of people in a tribe. For this reason, the tribe was both open to new inductees, but also intent on destroying all rivals.

"Whenever he recounted his battles, "poised his lance, and showed how fields were won", the most violent exclamations of rage and vengeance against his competitors in arms, those of the tribe called Cameeragal in particular, would burst from him. And he never failed at such times to solicit the governor to accompany him, with a body of soldiers, in order that he might exterminate this hated name. " From Watkin Tench – 1791

Expression -Paintings, customs, songs, myths, stories , war

Colonial era

Convicts, Legitimates and Emancipists

After gaining their ticket of leave, Convicts started referring to themselves as Legitimates. Their thinking was that since they had been "chosen" by the finest judges in England, they were of the few Europeans with a legitimate reason to be in Australia. Later they referred to themselves as Emancipists because it implied they had attained liberty and strove for the liberty of others. The Legitimate/Emancipist identity was maintained with hostility to the Exclusives.

Expression - Songs, flash language, tattoos, convict women mooning wowsers or 'exposing her person.'

"From distant climes, o'er wide-spread seas we come, 
Though not with much eclat, or beat of drum,
True patriots all, for it be understood, 
We left our country for our country's good:
No private views disgraced our generous zeal,
What urged our travels was our country's weal:
And none will doubt that our emigration
Had prov'd most useful to the British Nation."

George Barrington

The Landlord
W.B Gould
The Landlord

The Landlord, by Convict artist W.B Gould, shows an early expression of Australian egalitarianism. It depicts a suited man with a toothless grin. Strict convention amongst noble man of the time was a deadpan expression; especially if one's teeth were missing. Without doubt, Gould had painted an ex-convict whose desire to conform to social prestige had been surpassed by a self-effacing personality.

Note - Identity not defined along racial lines. As a consequence, hostility to Exclusives was far greater than any hostility to Aboriginal tribes.

The Exclusives

The Exclusives were free British settlers, or military officers who had left the service. The Exclusives advocated confining all offices and civic honours to Emigrants with the total exclusion of Emancipists and their offspring.

The Exclusives were extremely pro-British and maintained their identity with a strong hostility to the Legitimates/Emancipists.

Unique class system keeps the colony divided against itself.

Jan 31 Deep divisions exist within New South Wales, greatly adding to the burden of being a people isolated at the bottom of the world, and therefore needing more than ever to live together in harmony.

Historically, the greatest rift has been between the "exclusives" and the "emancipists". The first group believe that anyone who has come to the colony in penal servitude is never capable of complete redemption. These people, who tend to be among the wealthy landowners, thus see themselves as a superior class. For their part, the emancipists, who are all ex-convicts, are concerned with equality of human rights. 
Governor Macquarie, much to his peril, supported the emancipist cause, despite opposition from the forces which believed it would end respect for the law by allowing ex-convicts the normal rights of British citizens.

Since the Bigge inquiry, though, the colony has been re-established much more firmly as a prison rather than for reform, which has only worsened the tension. As well, the emancipists are divided, between those who committed crimes at home, and in Australia. This reflects a third division, being "Sterling", a name for the British-born, and the "Currency", the home-grown population. – Colonial newspaper report

Expression - English flag, English clothes, formal English speech

Note - The Exclusives saw the Aborigines as 'noble savages.' Their thinking was that Aborigines were without sin as they have never learnt it. For this reason, they wanted to prevent Aborigines mixing with Convicts.

1800 – 1850 – Convicts have children

The Native Born - Currency lads and lasses

The first native born in Australia were taunted as the 'wretched' and the lowest class because their parents had been Convicts. This discrimination was institutionalised when it came to the distribution of land grants. Whereas free immigrants were frequently given grants running in thousands of acres, the native born of Convict stock were only allowed sixty acres. 

The bush pioneer became the icon for the native born. Out in the bush, no laws ran and people were free to sing folk songs or live in equality. There was no room for elitism because people on the land needed to rely upon one another in the tough conditions. The identity was maintained with hostility to English immigrants and authority figures.

Expression - Bushranger songs, bush poetry

"Come all you young Australians and everyone besides
I'll sing to you a ditty that will fill you with surprise
Concerning of a ranger bold whose name it was Ben Hall
But cruelly murdered was this day which proved his downfall"

Ballad of Ben Hall

Aboriginal identities

As the colony expanded out from Sydney, the Europeans came into conflict with Aborigines over land. Although tribal identities remained, the Europeans started to take the place of rival tribes as the principle enemy.

Although there was hostility, there was also friendship. Some Aborigines left their tribes and formed good relations with the native born. They worked as droving hands and sang songs with the other drovers. Aside from being admired for their lyrical ability, they were admired for their bush skills. In a sense, their knowledge of the land had them admired as the protypical bushman. Reflecting the admiration for the Aborigines is the use of Aboriginal place names for rural Australia.

1850 - 1900 The gold rush years

Eureka Massacre

The Digger (Miner)

In 1853, the discovery of gold sparked massive waves of immigration. Miners from all over the world descended upon Australia and brought with them ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity. Although they valued self-reliance, independence and resourcefulness, they were also fiercely loyal to their mates.

Egalitarian sentiments were solidified with a dislike of the ruling colonial authorities that were deemed to be corrupt and elitist. This gave rise to a union movement. As the authorities tried to break unions via the importation of Chinese labour, the Chinese became another enemy to solidify the Digger's identity.

"The maiden appearance of our standard, in the midst of armed men, sturdy, self-overworking diggers of all languages and colours, was a fascinating object to behold." Raffaelo Carboni writing about the raising of the Eureka Stocake flag in 1854

' Australia began her political history as a crouching serf kept in subjection by the whip of a ruffian gaoler, and her progress, so far, consists merely in a change of masters. Instead of a foreign slave-driver, she has a foreign admiral; the loud-mouthed tyrant has given place to the suave hireling in uniform; but when the day comes to claim their independence the new ruler will probably prove more dangerous and more formidable that the old.' Rather than 'the day we were lagged', said the Bulletin, Australia's national day should be December 3, the anniversary of the Eureka rebellion, 'the day that Australia set her teeth in the face of the British Lion'. Bulletin, 21 Jan 1888

Expression - Eureka Stockade Flag. No songs were written to glorify the Eureka Stockade. 

The Chinese

At the height of the gold rush, there were up to 100,000 Chinese people in Australia. Chinese newspapers of the time depicted the Chinese as hardworking and the other miners as lazy. Although such stories may have indeed been a reflection upon how the Chinese saw themselves, they may have also been a form of propaganda designed to persuade the Chinese not to complain about being exploited by mining companies.

When the Chinese weren't working for a company, they worked together in teams. It was said that they were very efficient at extracting gold and often went to the mine sites deserted by other Diggers, and found gold that had been missed. This was said to have infuriated the other miners.

Although most of the Chinese returned to China, some stayed and established businesses. Unlike most expat Chinese populations around the world, these Chinese seem to have integrated into the other emerging Australian identities.

Expression - Newspaper articles calling other miners lazy.

The Wowser (activist)

By the turn of the century, the anti-transportation activists of the 1850s had evolved into anti-Chinese activists. The wowsers were very loyal to the English empire and saw themselves as British rather than Australians.

Melbourne Punch, 3 May1888

The picture shows Chinese immigrants trying to get in though a door that ‘YOUNG AUSTRALIA’ is stopping with his arm. Beside the Chinese people is a poster saying ‘PLAGUE SHIP’. The bar for the gate labelled ‘COLONIAL OFFICE’ lies on the ground. ‘OLD AUSTRALIA’ points to a ship labelled ‘CONVICTS’.
The captions on the cartoon say:




Expression - Protest marches and posters likening the 'yellow peril' with Convicts. 

Capitalist and outcasts

Words of racial superiority probably did not wash with any Australian of mixed blood or those descedended from Convicts. To the contrary, the stigmisation of the Chinese probably fostered a sense of empathy. The Kelly Gang seemed to be one such group that had time for the Chinese. They were rumoured to have been helped by Chinese (although this might have been propaganda to win the public relations war against the gang.) One member of the gang, Joe Byrne, definately was on good terms because he could speak fluent Cantonese.

Some sections of the business community could also see the positive side of the Chinese. Perhaps due to the language barrier, they were less likely to join the union movement, and so allowed businesses to pay low wages.

"No one who has paid any attention to the question of the coloured races will attempt for one moment to despise either the Japanese or the Chinese. " William Higgs, Labour Party

"I look upon the whole of the inhabitants of Asia as my friends. I am perfectly willing that they should be called my friends, and I hope so long as God gives me breath that I shall have the courage to stand up for what I consider to be right for them." Edward Pulsford, Free Trade Party


Federated nation – 1900- 1950

Arthur Streeton Fire On

Arthur Streeton
Fires On

The Pioneer

The pioneer continued on the bush tradition laid by the previous generations. 

Expression - Paintings by the likes of Arthur Streeton and Tom Roberts. Poetry by Banjo Pattern and Henry Lawson.

"But still so slight and weedy, one would doubt his power to stay,
And the old man said, `That horse will never do
For a long and tiring gallop lad, you'd better stop away,
Those hills are far too rough for such as you.'
So he waited sad and wistful only Clancy stood his friend
`I think we ought to let him come,' he said;
`I warrant he'll be with us when he's wanted at the end," Man from Snowy River

Simpson and His Donkey

Digger (soldier)

The Digger had his baptism of fire in the Gallipoli campaign. Rather than hate the enemy, the Diggers seemed to hate the English. The Poms were seen as filthy cowards whose incompetence had resulted in the loss of life of countless Australians.

Perhaps the dislike of Poms made the Diggers better soldiers. It seems as if they felt that they had to prove their superiority over the English on the battlefield.

'Italians with whom I talked found it hard to believe that the Australians were volunteers. They understood their own position. They had been sent to Libya to win glory for Mussolini. They presumed that the Tommies were there merely to defend British Imperial interests. But why were the Australian volunteers there?

The ordinary Digger would have found it difficult to tell you. If you ever persuaded him to talk he would not have spoken of defending freedom, or removing injustice, or of saving the Empire. He might have said, "Oh, I wanted a bit of fun;" or else, "I dunno, I was fed up with my job;" or perhaps, "well, all my cobbers were joining up and so I went along too." Not much more than that. These would not be the real answers. Men may join up for fun or for a change, but if these are the only reasons, they would not go into action and fight through with bayonet and grenade when machine gun bullets kick the dust around their feet and they see the man next to them go down. If you could get the ordinary Australian to say what he really feels, it might be something like this:

"Well, I came away because I believe in a fair go and I wanted to be with my mates; because I like being able to say to a copper, 'That's all right, copper, you got nothin' on me;' because I want to say what I like when we're having a beer at the pub; because I want to do what I like with the few quid I've got in the bank; and because women and kids are being bombed in London and shot in Prague, and someday this might happen at home if we don't do something about it."

It was because they felt the battle was being fought for things like these, which mattered directly to them, that the Mallee farmer and the Kalgoorlie miner, the Bendigo bank clerk and the Sydney solicitor made the soldiers of Tobruk just as they made those at Gallipoli.' Chester Wilmont

Expression - War poetry, Anzac Day, courage on the battlefield

The Wowser (Englishman)

Once the threat of Convicts and Chinese had ended, the Wowsers found themselves somewhat aimless. Some directed their attention to campaigning against frivolous pastimes like gambling and drinking. Others found it immoral for people to jump into the ocean wearing small bathing suits.

With a dislike of these great Australian pastimes, the Wowsers remained obsessive in their support for English values, and moral empowerment.

'Wowsers and gloom-merchants are always saying that we spend too much of our time in sport.' Aussie: the cheerful monthly (Sydney, 1922)

"Yet even today, the act of jumping into the Pacific with as little as possible on the body is regarded with gloomy suspicion by the wowsers." Surf: All about It (1930)

'But members of this odd body of wowsers want the right to force their opinions on to others'. Bulletin (Sydney, 1975)

1950 - 2000- The larrikins, post-modernists

Russel Drysdale The Ruins

Russell Drysdale
The Ruins

The Aboriginal Victim

By the end of World War II, Aboriginal tribal identities had eroded to the extent that white people stopped seeing differences between Aboriginal tribes and instead began viewing them as a homogenous out-group. Names for individual tribes faded away and instead Aborigines, the generic word for an indigenous population, came into use by default.

Aborigines also stopped thinking in cultural terms and instead began to think of themselves in racial terms. Blacks were part of their in-group while all whites were the out-group invaders. Asians were in an undefined category.

Many Aborigines developed a strong identification with black power movements from America. They assimilated rap music, and the baggy style of clothes. Oddly, many Aborigines became Rastarian; except they dropped the green from the colour coding. (Rastafarism is a pseudo-Christian based religion developed by the descendents of slaves wanting to show pride in their African heritage. Its name comes from Prince Rastafari of Ethiopia. It is not possible to be Rastarian without African heritage.)

Perhaps assessments of Aborigines also went downhill in mainstream society. When the bush was held up as the "true Australia", the Aborigines were celebrated as the prototypical bushmen. As the bush lost its iconic status, so too did the Aborigines that lived in it.

Expression - Aboriginal flag, protest marches, music, Aboriginal tent embassy, defiance of white authority

"Our world was shattered by the violence of the Invasion which began when the First Fleet of British Boat people arrived in 1788. Our people were decimated, as the invaders stole our country, imposed their own laws and systems of government on our peoples, forcing our people into concentration camps called "missions". " Aboriginal activist

The Larrikin

Although Larrikins have always been popular in Australia, it wasn't until after World War II that larrikins also became national heroes. The likes of Dawn Fraser and John Newcombe commanded respect across the classes, which made their rule indiscretions difficult to criticise. The result was a change in the meaning of the world larrikin. Instead of conjuring images of street criminals, it conjured images of good-hearted risk takers.

The larrikin identity was maintained by mocking the wowser and subsequently taking delight in their displeasure. 

"Well, I'm [ever | rather] upper class high society
God's gift to ballroom notoriety
I always fill my ballroom
The event is never small
The social pages say I've got
The biggest balls of all" - AC/DC Big Balls

Expression: Praise for icons such as Dawn Fraser, Ned Kelly, John Newcombe. The music of AC/DC and Skyhooks.

Post-modernist Wowser

After the English identity collapsed, many Wowsers were left without a social conception of themselves. Not wanting to identify with Australia, they instead became post-modern multiculturalists. This identity maintained a dislike of everything and anything Australian. It justified its identity on the grounds that identifying with Australia was an act of racism. Colonisation symbolised racism towards Aborigines. The Eureka rebellion and Ned Kelly symbolised racism towards Chinese. Federation symbolised racism to all non-whites. Gallipoli symbolised sexism and racism on the grounds most of the soldiers were white men and therefore excluded minority groups. Whitlam Minister Al Grassby even said that people who identified themselves as Australians, rather than ethnic, were worse than Hitler's Third Reich.

According to the multiculturalists, Australia only became an open-minded country after World War II when it became multicultural for the "first" time.

Ironically, multiculturalists ideas have tended to originate from left-wing university departments. These departments are the last bastion of the White Australia Policy. No institution in Australia has a higher concentration of white people. Furthermore, no other institution has such little contact with the outside world. The focus on racial history, combined with their own whiteness, seems to indicate that identifying with the white race is still an integral part of the multiculturalist's identity. In short, a race-based identity, even if it is a self-flagellating one, still excludes others.  

Expression - Support for an apology, on behalf of the white race, for injustices inflicted upon Aborigines. Support for a republic on the grounds British heritage is irrelevant to non-white migrants. Support for refugees on the grounds that Australians are racist for supporting mandatory detention of illegal immigrants.

"The 26th of January is an inappropriate date for Australia Day as it merely represents the anniversary of the arrival of the British to establish the penal colony of New South Wales. It does not represent of birth of a nation and disengages the aboriginal and non-British communities from their sense of involvement in nationhood. It also sends the wrong message to our Asian neighbors, reminding them of our European roots." Daniel Bryant

"Australia Day should be changed to a more suitable date, rather than the one that not only insults the rightful owners of this land, our indigenous peoples, but conveniently disregards the non-White migrants." Australia Day = Shame Day

Expatriate/ global swagman

While the multiculturalists tended to avoid new experiences, the expatriate went searching for them. Some went as backpackers to pull beers in a London pub. Others went as actors to America to make their fortune. Some went to Japan to establish television shows.

The global swagman's desire for new experiences gave rise to the expression that "there is nothing more Australian than spending time in someone elses' country."

Buying bread from a man in Brussels
He was six foot four and full of muscles
I said, "Do you speak-a my language?"
He just smiled and gave me a vegemite sandwich
Men at Work

I've been to cities that never close down,
from New York to Rio and old London town,
but no matter how far or how wide I roam,
I still call Australia home.
Peter Allen

Expression - Songs such as Downunder, movies like Crocadile Dundee and iconic expatriates like Nicole Kidman, Russel Crowe, Kylie Minogue, taking a jar of vegemite overseas, Qantas theme: "I Still Call Australia Home."

2000 onwards - Bogans and anti-bogans


The word 'bogan' originated in the 1980s in reference to teenagers that listened to heavy metal. Over the following three decades, the category was expanded. The book, "Things Bogans Like" suggests that bogan and Australalian are interchangeable terms.

Traditionally, bogan was a term that was negatively applied to people rather than a term people chose to embrace.

Expression - Southern Cross Tattoos, bumper stickers, articles that denounce tossers


Anti-bogans are by far the largest social group in Australia and hold most of the power. They do not have a clear idea about what they are, but they know they don't like bogans and are not bogans.


Area-7 - Nobody Likes a Bogan

Expression - Songs like "Nobody Likes a Bogan", books such as "Things Bogans Like", the "comedy" of the Chaser and Catherine Deveny

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